What the Revolution Might Leave Us

What the Revolution Might Leave Us / Ivan Garcia
Ivan Garcia, Translator: Unstated

If one were asked what should be saved of the Castro brother's communist
revolution, the number of responses would be enormous. Followers of
Fidel Castro — those who hang his portrait on the walls of their homes
and swear he is the greatest statesman of the twentieth century — would
come up with an endless list of accomplishments that should be carried
on into the future.

Those who are convinced that Castro is the worst political scourge ever
to afflict any country would smile quizzically and answer in a single
word: nothing.

There would also be nuanced responses. Serious academics and a less
passionate segment of the Cuban population, both on and outside the
island, would emphasize that any future plans for the nation should
include retaining universal and free health care and eduction, but
little else.

Intellectuals and political scientists from the modern left argue that,
before evaluating any social achievements of the Castro regime, it is
essential that national sovereignty be maintained and that, in a future
looming just ahead of us, we should not fall under the sphere of
influence of any of the world's power centers.

They argue for a politically independent Cuba, one with good relations
with the United States but without being an unconditional ally. And for
being able to accuse Washington in an international forum of any given
outrage or to condemn it for some arbitrary action in one of its many
wars to promote democracy.

If they could be transported in a time machine, armchair democrats would
place Cuba at the level of Barbados or Trinidad and Tobago, minus the
headlines in the international press on human rights violations and with
a better economy and social services.

In debates Cubans committed to their country envision in their minds a
spectacular future. Being optimistic is a positive thing. It is
interesting that, in occasional discussions in which the admirers of the
revolution participate, authoritarianism, multi-party government, the
creation of independent trade unions and respect for free speech are
openly acknowledged.

Public health and education are not the only unquestionable successes.
Certainly teaching carries with it a strong ideological message, but all
citizens living in Cuba have the possibility of learning to read and
going on to higher education.

Other points in its favor are the access to culture and sports. There
will always be asterisks, however. It is not possible for a nation to
have a hard-currency economy and expect to be in the top spots at the
Olympics.

Schools devoted to sports and arts education for children and
adolescents with talent should be retained. Gymnastics and sports
centers should also be brought back as a source of entertainment and a
healthy option for the mind and body.

The civil defense system should not be touched either. It has worked.
Since the devastations of tropical storm Flora in 1963, which cost the
lives of two thousand people and caused enormous property damage, the
loss of human life from hurricanes and other natural disasters has been
minimal.

Broadly speaking, these are, in my opinion, the principle victories that
could emerge from the Cuban revolution. Of course, there are many more
things that need to change.

Addressing pressing social issues, unresolved political rights and
structural changes are an enormous challenge for any future democratic
administration in Cuba. But that is another story.

October 7 2012

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