Discrimination Against Women in the Cuba of the Generals / Miriam Celaya
Posted on September 17, 2013
LA HABANA, Cuba, September, Miriam Celaya, www.cubanet.org –The
revolutionary movement that took power in 1959, from its inception kept
women in a position subordinated to male leadership. None of the
revolutionary programs included female emancipation. Moreover, no woman
took part in the crafting of the program or gave input about the
objectives and social aspirations of society's feminine sector despite
the fact that already in the 1950s they were an important labor and
student force, even in the universities.
At the end of the insurrection, no woman had reached higher military
ranks as opposed to those who participated in the 19th century wars of
independence.
The feminine sector committed to the revolutionary movement followed the
patterns established by a strongly sexist tradition, and submitted
itself to the always male high command's decisions, thus being relegated
to reproduce –during the war and later on the new social stage– the
patriarchal model with its rigid separation of gender roles.
Women's Front at Sierra Maestra
Nevertheless, Fidel Castro recognized the importance of the feminine
force as shown during the brief imprisonment of the attackers of the
Moncada Army Barracks when many women mobilized themselves into action
to collect 20 thousand signatures requesting amnesty for the young
revolutionaries and presented them to the Senate. Castro understood the
importance of this force, and therefore created a women's front at
Sierra Maestra –Mariana Grajales Female Battalion (1958)– under the
command of the 26 of July Movement lead by him.
Once in power, they created the Revolutionary Women's Union, the
predecessor of the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), to mobilize women in
support of the revolution's social programs. All republican women's
organizations, including those that had supported the revolutionary
struggle, were dismantled to preclude tendencies different from those
dictated by the new political power. At the same time, no woman was
considered to occupy a position with the decision making circles; only
one occupied briefly the post of Education minister, and Vilma Espín,
Fidel Castro's sister in-law, led the FMC from its creation to her death.
Feminism for idle bourgeoisie
The main objective of the FMC was, in principle, to promote women's
participation in the country's political, economic and social life, but
always dependent on a complete loyalty to the revolution and the new
ideology now in power. Thus, "the FMC described itself as a feminine
organization, but not a feminist one since feminism was considered a
social movement that took away efforts and attention from the
revolutionary struggle, aside from being the ideology of idle
bourgeoisie." Most women accepted being part of the organization.
Eventually, membership became automatic for women older than 14 years of
age, so by 1995 around 3 million Cuban women, 82% of the female
population, were "affiliated" to the organization.
Feminist ideology was diluted within a "collective revolutionary way of
thinking." As the civic tools developed during the Republic disappeared,
women were definitely left at the mercy of the government's will.
Paradoxically, paired to the loss of female autonomy in politics, more
than 60 percent of professionals and highly specialized technicians are
women. In contrast, most of the leadership positions are occupied by
men, and this illustrates the prevalence of male patterns that maintains
discrimination vis-à-vis the supposed "conquests" granted from the
circles of power. Despite their alleged emancipation, Cuban women
continue to be subjected to discrimination masked by a false egalitarian
discourse.
More male business owners
Currently, government reforms that legalize investments in the private
sector also show the wide prevalence of men as business owners and
entrepreneurs. Women come to the new economic stage, where male
protagonism prevails, at a disadvantage. There is no political program
to equalize the opportunities between the genders for the future of the
island, and in the absence of a really autonomous feminine movement,
women are left in the most abject civic helplessness.
But full emancipation also requires full civic responsibility. The
strong presence of women within the dissidence and the independent civil
society points to an opportunity for the resurgence of women's struggles
in times to come. Only in a democratic scenario will it be proven
whether the necessary foundations for a gender conscience exist in Cuba.
Translated by Ernesto Ariel Suarez
From Cubanet
12 September 2013
Source: "Discrimination Against Women in the Cuba of the Generals /
Miriam Celaya | Translating Cuba" -
http://translatingcuba.com/discrimination-against-women-in-the-cuba-of-the-generals-miriam-celaya/
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